The ideologists of capitalism have tried, in various ways, to justify the capitalist state as supremely rational; a neutral arbiter for society, and the embodiment of justice.
For Marxists, the state is not at all neutral, nor just. It is certainly anything but rational. To do that, we have to treat the state historically - taking in its origins, rise, and eventual fall. The state has not always existed. It is inseparable from class society.
Ultimately, it is the instrument for the ruling class to oppress and hold down the masses, guaranteeing the status quo and the sanctity of property. Although the modern state performs many other functions, these are secondary to its real basis - the protection of a set of property relations.
To establish socialism, it will not be possible for the working class to use the state as it currently exists - that is, with the same network of judges, heads of police and army etc. In recent weeks, the US has come closer to an outright revolutionary upheaval than at any time in living memory. The racist murder of George Floyd by the Minneapolis police has ignited a movement of enormous proportions, unleashing decades of accumulated discontent, and even reaching insurrectionary levels in many cities.
The wave of protests has multiplied exponentially over the last two weeks, with nearly 1, cities, towns, and suburban areas seeing rallies and demonstrations. This article was originally published in Russian on 23 April at It describes the Putin regime in Russia: how it came about, its main characteristics, and how it fundamentally differs from traditional bourgeois regimes as we know them in the West.
Such crises present big problems for the ruling class because the state, and the constitutional laws that surround it, are deliberately mystified. Parliamentary democracy and the Rule of Law are treated as immutable ideas woven into the fabric of the universe. So when crises develop over the structure of the bourgeois state itself, this risks dispelling its aura of mystery and power. In this talk at a day school on the Russian Revolution, Daniel Morley of the Socialist Appeal editorial board discusses the question of revolutionary insurrection, examining how Marxists approach the question of the seizure of power.
Strangely enough, the question of the state, despite its colossal significance, is something that does not normally occupy the attention of even the most advanced workers. Today we publish the fourth and final part of Alan Woods' series: 'Marxism or anarchism? The open letter is a response to an article by 'Black Flag' an anarchist group in Brazil.
Click here to jump straight to the fourth part. In this recording from the Revolution weekend school, Daniel Morley of the Socialist Appeal editorial board discusses the idea of workers' democracy, contrasting this with the formal democracy that we have under capitalism, and explaining the ways in which the working class can take control of the wider economy. This work by Alan Woods, provides a comprehensive explanation of the Marxist method of analysing history.
This first part establishes the scientific basis of historical materialism. The ultimate cause of all social change is to be found, not in the human brain, but in changes in the mode of production.
Marie Frederiksen of the Danish Marxists and the International Marxist Tendency discusses the scandals and corruption that is enveloping the bourgeois state at this time of deep capitalist crisis. This document was the product of a civil war that had been raging between John and his nobles.In recent years, I have oscillated between a garden-variety liberal egalitarianism and a more radical form of Marxism.
Lately, I am leaning more towards the latter. Much of this is indebted to the work of one of my former teachers at Wisconsin, Andrew Levine, who has written on this topic many times over the years. My hope is that some people who generally disagree with Marx might find his theory of the state more congenial to their views than they would have expected. According to Marx, every state is a dictatorship. That is to say, every state is imposed by extra-moral, extra-legal force.
As I understand it, this is an explanatory claim. Even if there is some kind of moral justification for the state, that plays no role in the correct explanation of the existence or nature of the state. Rather, the correct explanation of the existence and nature of the state is that it is brought about by force, and maintained in the same way. According to Marx, every state is a class dictatorship.
For Marx, the basic units of society, and the principal agents of change in human history are social classes, which are defined by their role in human production. Moreover, in every class-divided society, one or more of these classes rules the other classes. There is always a ruling class, and one or more subordinate classes. According to Marx, the state is the organizing committee of the ruling class. It is the instrument through which the ruling class coordinates and exercises its rule of the other classes, and thereby maintains its status as the ruling class.
Through the state, the ruling class resolves intra-class conflicts, and creates and enforces the rules and policies that ensure their status as the ruling class. In a capitalist society, the ruling class is the capitalist class, who own the means of production, and they dominate the proletariat, who own no means of production. So in a capitalist society, the state is the organizing committee of the capitalist class, through which they coordinate their rule. At this point, notice the sharp contrast between Marxism and standard varieties of liberalism.
Liberalism has always been a philosophy of reform. Liberals want to reform the state, and thereby reform society. They want to use the state to socially engineer a better society.
Marx would say that in any class-divided society, that is impossible. The reason is that in any class-divided society, the state is, and always will be the instrument of the ruling class. Even when such a state makes concessions to a subordinate class, it is only because the ruling class deems this necessary to preserve its status.The question of the State in capitalist society is of key importance for Marxists. We do not see it as an impartial arbiter standing above society.2 phase 3 wire system
Marxism sets out from the idea that "force is the midwife of every old society pregnant with a new one," that the state consists ultimately of armed bodies of men, that it is an instrument of the ruling class for the oppression of other classes. We have never at any time denied that the working class, in moving to transform society will inevitably encounter the resistance of the possessing classes or that this resistance can under certain conditions result in civil war. Without the aid of the reformists, Stalinists and the trade union leaders, it would not be possible to maintain the capitalist system for any length of time.
This is an important idea which we have to stress continually. The leaders of the trade unions and reformist parties in all countries have colossal power in their hands—far greater than at any other time in history. But as Trotsky explains, the labour bureaucracy is the most conservative force in society.
Marxist Theory of State: Definition, Origin and 2 Models
They use their authority to support the capitalist system. That is why Trotsky said that in the last analysis, the crisis of humanity was reduced to a crisis of leadership of the proletariat.
The development of the productive forces has brought about a considerable increase in the relative weight of the working class within society. For all their heroism, the proletarian uprisings of the 19th century were in effect condemned to isolation and defeat as a result of the overwhelming preponderance of the peasantry and of the urban petite bourgeoisiewhich gave a colossal advantage to the state apparatus of the ruling class.
The uprising which led to the "Paris Commune" of fell victim to just these circumstances, and to make matters worse, the weakness of the Commune was compounded by a number of very serious shortcomings on the part of the leadership.
In the course of the century now coming to a close, the socialist revolution could have been accomplished many times over. The socialist revolution has been delayed by the reformist degeneration of the leadership of the working class.
But this has meant that the material foundation of the future socialist society the general level of development of productive capacity and technique which the working class in power will inherit from capitalism will be on an incomparably higher level than that which the Bolsheviks inherited from tsarism inor than that which the British, French, or German workers would have inherited had they succeeded in taking power in the s or s.
Together with the development of the means of production, there has been a sharp decline in small-scale ownership. The control of the economy has been concentrated in fewer and fewer hands, with a corresponding increase in the size of the working class. The wage-earning class has grown not only in numbers, but also in terms of its potential for struggle. A properly organised general strike under modern conditions would bring the economy of a given country to a complete standstill, particularly in the more economically developed areas of the world.
The decisive question is that of the leadership and of the degree of preparation of the working class, both organisationally and politically. What general conclusions can be drawn from what has been said above? Firstly, we can say that the increased level of urbanisation and the ever-higher degree of technical sophistication of industry means that the working class will find itself in a generally more favourable position at the outset of the revolution than was the case in the past.
Marxian Theory of State: Intro, Definition, Classes and Evaluation
Secondly, as a general rule it can be said that the stronger the revolutionary party, the greater its success in rallying the working class to its programme and in winning the sympathy of the rank-and-file of the armed forces, then the more swiftly will it overcome the resistance of the ruling class and the less violence and loss of life will occur.
A peaceful transformation of society would be entirely possible if the trade union and reformist leaders were prepared to use the colossal power in their hands to change society.Marxist theory of state, besides liberal state, is perhaps the most prominent theory. Marxist theory not only challenges the basic concepts of liberal state but also emphasises that it enslaves majority men of society for the realisation of its aims, it is to be abolished or smashed without which the emancipation of common men will never be possible.
However, a problem about academic analysis of Marxist theory of state is that no where Marx has methodically analysed the theory.36;10 [email protected] Marxist Theory of State; Origin, Nature \u0026 Functions
Marx and his friend Engels have made different comments and statements which constitute the fabric of state theory. We shall first deal with the definition of state. In the Communist Manifesto it was written by both Marx and Engels we find a simple definition of state. The state is fundamentally an instrument of class domination. In other words, the state is used by the bourgeoisie to exploit the common people and in that sense it is a machinery for exploitation. This concept has been elaborated by Lenin.
Marx, Engels and their followers particularly Lenin had no faith on the social contract theory as the origin of state. They have divided the development of society into old communist social system, slave society, feudal society and industrial society.Back burner meaning in marathi
In the old communist society there was no state because there was no existence of private property. The system of private property worked as a potential cause of the rise of state. The owners of private property felt insecurity as to its protection and they felt the necessity of a super power which could provide protection ultimately. How the system of private property helped the creation of state? Property owners wanted to subjugate the other class.
From the study of history Marx and Engels have concluded that the state—for all practical purposes—was set up in the slave society. Because in the slave society there were mainly two classes—the owners of slaves and the slaves themselves. The owners of the slaves required an organisation to control and dominate slaves.
Engels in his The Origin of Family, Private Property and State has elaborately analysed the origin and development of state.
The state is not something coming out of the society.Marxism is a method of socioeconomic analysis that uses a materialist interpretation of historical development, better known as historical materialismto understand class relations and social conflict as well as a dialectical perspective to view social transformation. As Marxism has developed over time into various branches and schools of thoughtthere is currently no single definitive Marxist theory.
Some Marxist schools of thought place greater emphasis on certain aspects of classical Marxism while rejecting or modifying other aspects. Some schools have sought to combine Marxian concepts and non-Marxian concepts which has then led to contradictory conclusions.
Marxism has had a profound impact on global academia, having influenced many fields, including anthropology  archaeologyart theorycriminologycultural studieseconomicseducationethicsfilm theorygeographyhistoriographyliterary criticismmedia studies  philosophypolitical sciencepsychologyscience studies sociologyurban planning and theater.
Marxism seeks to explain social phenomena within any given society by analyzing the material conditions and economic activities required to fulfill human material needs.
It assumes that the form of economic organization, or mode of productioninfluences all other social phenomena including wider social relations, political institutions, legal systems, cultural systems, aesthetics and ideologies. These social relations, together with the economic system, form a base and superstructure. As forces of production i. As Karl Marx observed: . At a certain stage of development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or—this merely expresses the same thing in legal terms—with the property relations within the framework of which they have operated hitherto.
From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an era of social revolution. These inefficiencies manifest themselves as social contradictions in society which are, in turn, fought out at the level of class struggle. Starting with the conjectural premise that social change occurs as result of the struggle between different classes within society who contradict one another, a Marxist would conclude that capitalism exploits and oppresses the proletariat, therefore capitalism will inevitably lead to a proletarian revolution.
In a socialist society, private property —as the means of production—would be replaced by co-operative ownership. A socialist economy would not base production on the creation of private profits, but on the criteria of satisfying human needs—that is, production for use. As Friedrich Engels explains: .New hollywood movies released 2021
Then the capitalist mode of appropriation, in which the product enslaves first the producer, and then the appropriator, is replaced by the mode of appropriation of the products that is based upon the nature of the modern means of production; upon the one hand, direct social appropriation, as means to the maintenance and extension of production — on the other, direct individual appropriation, as means of subsistence and of enjoyment.
Marxian economics and its proponents view capitalism as economically unsustainable and incapable of improving the living standards of the population due to its need to compensate for falling rate of profit by cutting employees' wages and social benefits while pursuing military aggression. The socialist mode of production would succeed capitalism as humanity's mode of production through revolution by workers. According to Marxian crisis theorysocialism is not an inevitability, but an economic necessity.
The term Marxism was popularized by Karl Kautskywho considered himself an orthodox Marxist during the dispute between the orthodox and revisionist followers of Marx.Karl Marx 's ideas about the state can be divided into three subject areas: pre-capitalist states, states in the capitalist i.
Overlaying this is the fact that his own ideas about the state changed as he grew older, differing in his early pre- communist phase, the young Marx phase which predates the unsuccessful uprisings in Europe and in his later work. In Marx's Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Righthis basic conception is that the state and civil society are separate.
However, he already saw some limitations to that model, arguing:. The political state everywhere needs the guarantee of spheres lying outside it.
By the time he wrote The German IdeologyMarx viewed the state as a creature of the bourgeois economic interest. Two years later, that idea was expounded in The Communist Manifesto : . The executive of the modern state is nothing but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie. This represents the high point of conformance of the state theory to an economic interpretation of history in which the forces of production determine peoples' production relations and their production relations determine all other relations, including the political.
Even "determination" is not causality and some reciprocity of action is admitted. The bourgeoisie control the economy, therefore they control the state.
In this theory, the state is an instrument of class rule. The Communist Manifesto was a short polemical work, but more detail on the theories concerned can be obtained by going back to The German Ideologywhere Marx wrote:  . The Relation of State and Law to Property In the case of the nations which grew out of the Middle Agestribal property evolved through various stages — feudal landed property, corporative moveable property, capital invested in manufacture — to modern capital, determined by big industry and universal competition, i.
To this modern private property corresponds the modern State, which, purchased gradually by the owners of property by means of taxation, has fallen entirely into their hands through the national debt, and its existence has become wholly dependent on the commercial credit which the owners of property, the bourgeoisextend to it, as reflected in the rise and fall of State funds on the stock exchange. By the mere fact that it is a class and no longer an estatethe bourgeoisie is forced to organise itself no longer locally, but nationally, and to give a general form to its mean average interest.
Through the emancipation of private property from the community, the State has become a separate entity, beside and outside civil society; but it is nothing more than the form of organisation which the bourgeois necessarily adopt both for internal and external purposes, for the mutual guarantee of their property and interests. The independence of the State is only found nowadays in those countries where the estates have not yet completely developed into classes, where the estates, done away with in more advanced countries, still have a part to play, and where there exists a mixture; countries, that is to say, in which no one section of the population can achieve dominance over the others.
This is the case particularly in Germany. The most perfect example of the modern State is North America. The modern FrenchEnglish and American writers all express the opinion that the State exists only for the sake of private property, so that this fact has penetrated into the consciousness of the normal man.Alchemy classic game online
Economic Dependence of the State on the Bourgeoisie With the development and accumulation of bourgeois property, i. This phenomenon was evident already in the first Italian commercial republics ; later, since the last century, it showed itself to a marked degree in Hollandwhere the stock exchange speculator Pinto drew attention to it as early as and now it is again occurring in England.
It is therefore obvious that as soon as the bourgeoisie has accumulated money, the state has to beg from the bourgeoisie and in the end it is actually bought up by the latter.
This takes place in a period in which the bourgeoisie is still confronted by another class, and consequently the state can retain some appearance of independence in relation to both of them. Even after the state has been bought up, it still needs money and, therefore, continues to be dependent on the bourgeoisie; nevertheless, when the interests of the bourgeoisie demand it, the state can have at its disposal more funds than states which are less developed and, therefore, less burdened with debts.After reading this article you will learn about the Marxian Theory of State:- 1.
Introduction to Marxian Theory of State 2. Definition of State 3. Origin of State 4. State and Irreconcilable Classes 5. State as an Instrument of Exploitation 6. Evaluation of Marxian Theory of State 7. A Critique of Marxian Theory of State. Marxian theory of the state is basically different from pluralist and elitist theories.
According to the former there are manifold agencies and groups in society and the position of the state is just like a neutral agency whose function is to settle disputes neutrally. But it is wishful thinking that the state maintains neutrality among the different conflicting groups and classes. Marx and Engels reject this pluralist notion of state. The elitist theories hold the view that only a small group, called elite, having higher and better skill and ability, controls political power.
Engels has said that the minority group qualified and called to rule by the given degree of economic development. The elite group, that controls the forces of production, ultimately controls the political power.
Marxism sees and interprets state from a quite different perspective which in final analysis is the rejection of both pluralist and elitist theories. It views the state in the light of classes and class struggle and believes that a classless society will be the final goal of the struggle.
The classic view of Marxian theory of state is to be found in Communist Manifesto. Commenting on this view of Marx and Engels the writer of the article published in Bottomore edited A Dictionary of Marxist thought, writes:.
It is to be noted here that what is popularly known as the Marxian theory of the state is nowhere clearly and elaborately stated by Marx. Only his life-long friend Engels has dealt with the matter in his the origin of Family, Private Property and State. Besides, in numerous other works, Marx and Engels have made passing or cryptic remarks about state which provide potential sources or materials for building up a theory of state. A few more words may be added to our present analysis.
In fact, Marxist theory of state of the sixties and seventies of the nineteenth century has been reformulated by the continental thinkers. The tangible consequence is that the scholars of various countries have started to interpret various concepts of Marx and Engels in new light and perspective.
Marxism, today, is not the property of few blunt-headed and less educated politicians. From the extensive research work three views of state have come out. The state is the product of class divisions of society, the state is an instrument of class rule and finally when the society becomes classless there will be no need of state.
It will wither away. These three assertions build up the whole fabric of Marxian theory of state. All these are connected with each other. In such a state there are conflicts and struggles, but all these are illusory, that they are not real. Mere mock fighting.
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